Present deadlock and our task
- By Comrade Basanta
The writer is a central committee member of CPN (Maoist).
The New Democratic Revolution in Nepal has been attaining new heights, one after another. The heroic Nepalese people, under the leadership of our party, the CPN (Maoist), have demolished the a 240-year old feudal institution, the monarchy at the first meeting of the Constituent Assembly, on May 28, 2008, This has laid the foundation of the Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal. No one is unaware of the fact that this political change has been possible only because of the dynamic leadership of our party and the strength of its scientific ideology, Marxism-Leninism-
Nepal is a semi-feudal and semi-colonial country. Feudalism and imperialism, predominantly Indian expansionism in our case, have been barriers to radical transformation of social, economic and cultural relations and the consolidation of national integrity and people's sovereignty. After the establishment of Federal Democratic Republic, the feudalist institution of the monarchy has been demolished. Without doubt, feudalism has weakened considerably in the political sense. But the struggle to get rid of feudalism is not over. Furthermore, the democratic republic that has been established in Nepal is a political system connected with the imperialist world order. So the bourgeois republic can in no way be a political system for the oppressed classes, nations, and regions of Nepal.
The slogan of a "New Nepal", so rampantly used during the Constituent Assembly election, can be achieved only by smashing feudalism and imperialism from the soil of Nepal. No other form of state power other than the joint dictatorship of the democratic and patriotic forces under the leadership of the party of the proletariat can turn the present Nepal into a New Nepal. It cannot be anything other than New Democracy.
What has been achieved in Nepal is a Federal Democratic Republic. It is a kind of bourgeois democracy, in which the CPN (Maoist) is playing a central role. In spite of that, the vanguard of the Nepalese proletariat has not yet seized the whole state power. And so the Nepalese revolution has not reached the strategic goal of New Democracy, the joint dictatorship of the entire anti-feudal and anti-imperialist forces under the leadership of the party of the proletariat. Right at this point, what should be understood is that the Federal Democratic Republic is a tactical step to New Democracy, the first stage of the proletarian revolution, as Chairman Mao has defined it. Therefore, in no circumstances, can it be the strategy of the proletariat or a separate stage before New Democracy.
The present phase of revolution, which is at the stage of strategic offensive, is at a crucial juncture. The forces of revolution are struggling against the counter revolutionaries to create a favourable situation in which they can seize the whole power, and the forces of counter revolution are doing everything they can not to let the power go out of their hands and into the hands of the oppressed. An intense political tug-of-war is on the scene and our party is on the offence. However, it is not yet victorious.
At the moment, when the Federal Democratic Republic is established but the party is yet to make an immediate tactical step clear, there is some confusion within the left revolutionary camp both nationally and internationally, including in the ranks of our party. There are different trends- right, centre, left- that generally exist in the Communist movement, and such confusion is natural at certain points.
For such a confusion to arise there must be some objective basis. It is known to all that the Second National Conference of our party, held in 2001, had formulated the roundtable conference, interim government and election of the constituent assembly as a political tactic. The Central Committee Meeting held in Chunwang on August 2004 further concretised it in the form of a Democratic Republic. Now, with the election of the Constituent Assembly and declaration of the Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal, the tactic of the Chunwang Meeting is no longer valid. Yet, at the same time, the party is yet to chalk out an appropriate tactic to organise a final offensive for the seizure of power. Naturally, this situation has led to some confusion. It must not linger. If this situation carries on, wittingly or unwittingly, it may lead to make the present democratic republic a strategic stage before the New Democratic Revolution.
However, after the Constituent Assembly election and establishment of the Federal Democratic Republic, the class and social relations, under the same semi-feudal and semi-colonial socio-economic structure, have changed to a great extent in Nepalese society. The primary feudal institution, the monarchy, has now ceased to exist. Notwithstanding the existence of feudalism in terms of economic and cultural aspects, the comprador bourgeoisie, which mainly serves the interest of Indian expansionism in our context, has now come to the fore. In this sense, the national aspect of the New Democratic Revolution has become more dominant than the democratic one.
The political tug-of-war, which is sharpening between the political parties, is in essence the class struggle centred on which class, the comprador bourgeoisie or the democratic and patriotic forces under the leadership of the proletariat, should lead the future Nepal. As a matter of fact, Indian expansionism does not want to loosen its grip over the party of the comprador bourgeois, so it can keep Nepal in its fist. The alliance between the Nepali Congress and the Madheshi parties, which is openly coming to the surface in the Constituent Assembly, has in fact broken the previous agreement reached between our party and the seven parliamentary parties. And a new reactionary polarisation is now starting. Without a doubt, Indian expansionism is doing all this from behind the scenes and is conspiring for a final offensive against the democratic and patriotic aspirations of the Nepalese people. As a result, national sovereignty and territorial integrity is in serious danger.
At such a crucial juncture, when an unholy coalition of reactionary forces is openly forming, the time has come to call upon the entire democratic and patriotic forces to struggle against national capitulation, and build up a strong united front for the seizure of power. Nothing other than the power of anti-feudal and anti-imperialist forces under the leadership of proletariat can build a New Democratic Nepal and thereby defend the national sovereignty and territorial integrity of the nation. There is no other way out to break the existing deadlock.
The writer is a central committee member of CPN (Maoist).